Al-Adyan: Jurnal Studi Lintas Agama 
P-ISSN: 1907-1736, E-ISSN: 2685-3574
http://ejournal.radenintan.ac.id/index.php/alAdyan
Volume 16, Nomor 1, Januari - Juni, 2021 
DOI: 

		

ADVENTISM AND MINAHASAN CULINARY IDENTITY

Christar Arstilo Rumbay
Sekolah Tinggi Teologia Pelita Bangsa 
Christar.indotec@gmail.com

Abstract:	
The debate between culture and religion in Minahasa invites attention. The culture considers the existence of religion as a threat and potentially could destroy indigenous cultural identity. On the flip side, the religion regards cultural activities as an ancient legacy that bears no significance to theological worldview and modern civilization. Adventism, a Protestant denomination that shares extra attention to food doctrine, performs inhospitality toward Minahasan culinary identity. Engagement to consuming animal’s flesh, and even extreme food such as pork, rat, bat, dog, cat, spices ingredients, cap tikus, and related festivals that involves potluck, however, against Adventist teaching. Therefore, this essay conducts exploration to grasp how Adventism teaching could perform hospitality toward Minahasan culinary identity. This research occupies a qualitative approach and equips journals, books, and other references to contribute to the tension. In conclusion, Adventism should define the culture as a social bonding and expression of Minahasa. Minahasan culinary identity is not a theological or religious concern; instead, it should be defined as a sociology reflection. By doing so, Adventism will able to perform hospitality toward the culture. 

Abstrak:	
Perdebatan antara agama dan budaya di Minahasa mengundang perhatian. Budaya menganggap agama sebagai suatu ancaman dan berpotensi memusnahkan eksistensi kultur asli. Disisi lain, agama menilai budaya sebagai warisan kuno yang tidak memiliki signifikansi bagi agama dan peradaban modern. Agama Advent, merupakan denominasi Kristen Protestan, memberikan perhatian khusus terhadap doktrin makanan, menunjukan sikap yang kurang ramah terhadap identitas kuliner orang Minahasa. Keterlibatan dalam pengkonsumsian daging hewan dan bahkan makan ekstrim seperti daging babi, tikus, kelelawar, anjing, kucing, rempah-rempah pedas, cap tikus, dan perayaan-perayaan serupa dengan konsep makan bersama, bagaimanapun juga, bertentangan dengan ajaran Advent. Itulah sebabnya, artikel ini memimpin suatu eksplorasi untuk mendapatkan gagasan bagaimana Adventisme menunjukan keramahan terhadap identitas kuliner orang Minahasa. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang memanfaatkan jurnal-jurnal, buku-buku, serta referensi-referensi lain yang dapat menunjang pencarian kontribusi di topik ini. Sebagai kesimpulan, Adventisme harus mendefinisikan kebudayaan sebagai perekat sosial dan ekspresi orang-orang Minahasa. Identitas kuliner orang Minahasa bukanlah ranah teologi maupun agama, namun, itu harus dipahami sebagai refleksi sosial. Dengan demikian, Adventisme akan mampu menunjukan keramahan terhadap kebudayaan. 

Keywords: Adventism, Culinary, Minahasa, Religion, Sociology

A.	Introduction
Adventism considers health reformation is significant and puts extra attention on the doctrine of unclean food. Ellen White, the pioneer of the Adventist movement, contributes massive works on health. She highlights the danger of alcohol, tobacco, meat, and related lifestyle that could danger the body. Recently, Adventist scholars reflect attention to the account, proving its significance still applicable and valid for the modern community. Eschatology, soteriology, Sabbath, and prophecy receive a unique position which becomes the character and specific identity of Adventism, but health reformation; unclean food, exercise, diet, lifestyle, and vegetarianism hold vital features. However, historically speaking, the doctrine receives several interventions such as Western moral theology, lifestyle, culture, and specific context that construct church doctrines. Further, enthusiasm played its role in the early movement that causes its doctrine to become rich in perspectives. The early spirit of the reformation in the Adventist community contributes significant nature to the Adventist movement. In consequence, Adventism conducts distinct doctrines compared to other churches and contexts. 
For instance, Seventh Day Adventist (SDA) community's growth has increased in North Sulawesi, explicitly speaking, among the Minahasan. Unfortunately, it has no significant development because its teaching contrast with Minahasan culinary identity. Gabriele Weichat expresses how Minahasan identifies itself concerning culinary identity. Pork, rat, dog, snake meat, and related wild animals are favorite food that served in every dimension of traditional ritual and regular activities. They relate the custom to the philosophy and specific identity. In contrast, Adventism against any practice of eating unclean food or meat. It portrays inhospitable toward the culture and potentially leads to the controversy between religion and indigenous tradition. Besides, it splits the social identity of Minahasan, who convert faith to Adventist. According to Denni Pinontoan, the dilemma of social identity leads to ambivalence, it penetrates Minahasan-Adventist to declare his status among the civilization, either to be a real Adventist with its Western character or original Minahasan that engage with the tradition of eating unclean food. However, Gereja Masehi Injili Minahasa (GMIM), the dominant church in Minahasa, does not against the culinary custom; surprisingly, according to Glenn Tielung and Tony Rudyansjah, religion responsible for the massive exploitation of wild animals for the meal because its teaching supports the massive exploitation of wild animals. 
Therefore, the worldview of religion, including GMIM, shares no tension and debates to Minahasan culinary tradition wherein the flip side displays significant controversy to Adventist beliefs. GMIM and other Christian domination share common with the public's culture, but Adventism reflects high tension to the Minahasan culinary identity. Adventist teaching considers health reformation, including healthy food, exercise, and lifestyle, as a vital doctrine that should be practiced. It presents controversy to the Minahasan indigenous tradition; Adventists do not perform hospitality and collaborative approaches toward the Minahasan culinary identity. The fundamental beliefs of SDA chapter 22 clearly state the danger of engagement in unhealthy lifestyles.
The Adventist community is not the majority in Minahasa; it grows slowly compared to other Christian denominations. However, it is not proven that health reformation doctrine is the cause of Adventism's poor development. The minimum consequence is that Adventism does not share hospitality toward the Minahasan culinary identity, and the maximum reverberation is that the tension shares debates and controversies in the public that could crush harmony between the culture and religion. In sum, this essay pursues to display Adventism with its health reformation teaching that hospitable toward Minahasan culinary identity. 
This research attempts to grasp the construction by qualitative approach. Literature references such as books, articles, and any related sources will receive intense attention. Ideas on Adventism health reformation doctrine and Minahasan culinary identity will be articulate in proper way. Therefore, as an analysis-descriptive study, this project offers new alternative knowledge to the tension. 

B.	Result and Discussion
Pork-consuming shares the solid Minahasan identity. Grace D. Kandou shows that most Minahasan engage in the pork-consuming tradition. Babi garo rica, babi kecap, tinorangsak, and babi putar as the prestige one are common in Minahasan meal. Her study shows that more than 90% of Minahasan participate in the eating pork tradition. Pork should be considered a unique feature of Minahasan culinary as it is most commonly served in Minahasan tradition. According to Gabrielle Weichart, the pig has essential relation to the ancestral and is considered a symbol of Minahasan. The traditional myth says that a pig holds the earth in its back which declares its crucial role. By saying this, Minahasan applies this tradition as part of their spiritual concern that relates to gods. The pig has a significant role over the cosmological system that places it in high respect among Minahasan. Pork is not simply a culinary or social concern but exceedingly spans spiritual dimension. Moreover, Minahasan's physical characteristic displays its eating pork practice, where some Indonesians, the other part of Minahasa, are not interested in engaging with spicy food. In this sense, Minahasan applies the tradition to respect gods, ancient tradition, and anthropological distinction. 
Besides, it plays as social bonding among the people as it displays Minahasan indigenous identity. Therefore, eating pork is not merely a biological of physical symbols or needed, but it presents Minahasan features as an existing community. The tradition itself does not manage in the rural community, but urban society in Minahasa maintains its practice. Recent research in Malalayang Manado shows how they participate in eating pork. The data shows that 65,5% invites pork into their meal. It reflects how both rural and urban Minahasan continues to involve in its tradition of eating pork. It does not merely portray ancient beliefs, practices, or philosophical expectations but mirroring social identity that shares unique characteristics of Minahasan in the past, present, and future.
To support pork's massive consumption, Minahasan develops a variety of pig breeding and pork meals. For instance, John E.G Rompis and Sylvia Komansilan reflect three treatments; bamboo cooker apparatus, stainless cooker apparatus, and soil cooker apparatus where the specific features of the meal based on five condiments in each treatment such as ingredients of chili, garlic leaves, basil, lemongrass, ginger, and lemon leaves. It shares the essential character of Minahasan culinary identity toward other Indonesian lands and leads to the specific existence among culinary identities. Its practice has echoed tourism interest that invites strangers to participate in the Minahasan culinary experience. Therefore, it becomes a vital tourism destination; several studies have been placed on developing Minahasan culinary restaurants to help local businesses and people gain income. Religious tourism destinations such as Bukit Kasih Kanonang manage food stalls to support their tourism; even more, an architecture study has been developed to establish a culinary tourism destination. Besides, Minahasan develops technology and digitalization to presents the existence of culinary identity to the people.
Indeed, Minahasan culinary plays an essential role in culture, tourism, and anthropological identity, significantly increasing local people's income. In sum, to define Minahasan culinary identity as a social discussion is not sufficient; it encompasses wider scopes and approaches. Therefore, pork meal has been a center of conversation as it supports essential role to Minahasan culinary identity. The people serve pork as a special meal in traditional ceremonies or family celebrations for a specific party. In thanksgiving day, Minahasan serves pork meal as part of the traditional celebration. With this in mind, pork's existence as part of Minahasan culinary identity places a crucial degree in the Minahasan worldview. 
However, pork is not single meat in Minahasan culinary tradition. Minahasa contains several regional markets. For instance, in Tomohon, Beriman Market is one of the famous tourist destinations. The people offer wild animals such as; rats, snakes, bats, monkeys, cats, and even dogs. Further, it becomes interesting because selling a variety of cooking spices and ritual paraphernalia. Its reputation leads tourist's attention, desire, and curiosity to engage with such culinary identity. In response, the state encourages tourism activities and promotes extreme food as a primary feature of Minahasan. Geiby Rompas says that extreme culinary invites the attention of tourists that produce satisfaction. Minahasan culinary identity has a tourism reputation; it becomes the center of attention that invites tourists to engage with the culture. Therefore, the culinary subject in Minahasa is not limited to the social stage but encompasses other concerns. It deals with spiritual, anthropological, political, and tourism studies. 
By saying so, culinary is a comprehensive approach. Understanding how Minahasan defines their food requires a multi-dimensions study and should not narrow to the specific discussion. For instance, Glenn and Tony share the debates between theology and anthropology on this account. They insist that Minahasan considers religion dogmatic of anthropocentrism leads to massive extreme animal-consuming; on the flip side, the church community regards it as an ancient heritage of Minahasan ancestors. Its controversy appears because it presents culinary identity in two approaches, theology, and anthropology, where it is not sufficient to gain broader insight. This tension should invite the participation of a comprehensive approach to gain a clear idea of this subject. 
Moreover, such extreme food is being processed with spices, ingredients, and chili in large numbers that share hot taste sensations. Gabrielle argues that Minahasan spices food shares three philosophies; first, it reflects vanity, where Minahasan distinct themselves from other tribes and ethics. For visitors and strangers, consuming spices food is a challenge, where Minahasan proudly presents their extreme food and extra ingredients that conduct specific taste. In other words, it applies Minahasan anthropological identity. Second, spices food relates to men, where women tend to engage with soft meals or 'tinutuan.' It shares gender status. Among Minahasan, society requires men to consume chili or spices food in large numbers to prove their masculinity. On the flip side, Minahasan regards women as inferior to men; consequently, society relates women to un-spiced food. Lastly, spices food implies authority. Those men who can engage with chili or spices extreme food are considered Minahasan who have power and sovereignty over them. In conclusion, extreme and spices food apply deep philosophies in the Minahasan worldview. It shares an identity that does not narrow simply to meals served on the table, but it goes beyond physical need and occupies the social, anthropological, spiritual, and philosophical dimensions. 
Furthermore, Minahasan engages with traditional alcohol, namely cap tikus. Historically, Minahasan serves cap tikus as an expression of celebrating a new house together with maengket dance. The host must offer cap tikus to the participants, especially the priest who leads the ceremony. The congregation will shout and cry, saying 'tuasan e sopi e maka wale', which means 'hey host, please pour the cap tikus.' Minahasan occupies cap tikus as part of their ceremony, which reflects its ritual function. Besides sociological bounding, cap tikus plays its role as a business center. For some Minahasan, it presents as the main source of income that could support financial activities. It becomes the primary source of livelihood. 
However, the cap tikus manufacturing process is fast and straightforward compared to other farm products that require complexity and effort. It leads Minahasan to develop cap tikus manufacture as the pillar of their business, and eventually, it becomes part of the social system among the society, and its existence presents as a vital aspect of the people. With this in mind, cap tikus penetrates the idea that its activities should not be considered simply as traditional alcohol that could offer advantages or disadvantages for the people; it is not clustered to culinary context. However, in a broader sense, it occupies business activities that support Minahasan financially. 
Unfortunately, before 2014, the state has no solid and clear policy to manage and conduct these activities. Recently, the state legalizes cap tikus as traditional alcohol and manages its trading. Regulations have been issued to support the legalization where the trading of cap tikus is legal. As a result, it extends to social, criminal, and health problems. However, cap tikus presents as a social closeness because Minahasan considers it a heritage of culture ancestor required to be preserved. It destroys social barriers because it invites all participants with the same interest will integrate and merge without discrimination. Elfi Mingkid says that 'cap tikus is a unifying symbol and social closeness of the Minahasa community.' In sum, the positive contributions are; cap tikus share a social and financial identity, while on the other side, it supplies criminal and health problems. 
Moreover, besides the culinary identity, Minahasan shares tradition and ceremony, pengucapan syukur or thanksgiving related to the lifestyle of consuming traditional food. Thanksgiving is a cultural celebration that is rooted among Minahasan and considered as the heritage of ancestors. Historically, the celebration relates to the farmers who finished the yearly harvest. They manage the thanksgiving by arranging meals together to express opo wananatas (the ultimate god) who blessed the farm. Besides a spiritual reflection to god, it is a gratitude to nature. These apply religiosity system and natural ecology responsibility. Gradually, its tradition shifts to Christianity, church ministers contextualize to Sunday worship. Previously, the farmers arrange potluck in the farmland and eventually moved to the church. Consequently, thanksgiving is not an original product of Minahasan culture; instead, it is a transformation and interaction between ancient tradition and church concern. 
In the culinary sense, its transformation shift to a broad kind of meal, each family arranges a potluck and serves neighbors or visitors with exceptional food such as pork, extreme animals, dodol and nasi jaha. In response, the tradition contributes negative consequences because it becomes a social prestige stage by serving foods. Aprilia Zeika considers it as hedonism where the host works to gain public perception. Further, it supplies horizontal conflicts because of cap tikus, music, extreme foods inappropriately. In sum, Minahasan culinary identity does integrate to another cultural expression that cannot be separated but must be considered a unity. 
Adventist Teaching on Health Reform
Ellen G. White is the primary pioneer of the Adventist church. Most of the church's doctrine is grounded in her teaching. Her works, books, seminars, and letters impact the church's development, and the central doctrine that distinct Adventism from other denominations is its teaching on health reformation; food, drink, and lifestyle. She invites the church community to consume nutritious and healthy food and against any unhealthy food for the body. Explicitly, Ellen forbids the Adventist community to engage with coffee, tea, and meat. Her primary concern is that meat, which could impact gradually, can be illustrious, leading to cancer, disturbing the immune system, and causes related diseases. Further, pork invites her attention because it has poisoned in blood and unclean. Pork is scavengers and against Biblical diet and health reformation formulation and should not be consumed by humans. In a broader sense, she against any engagement in animal or meat consumption. She expresses her insight into the tension in her writing entitled The Health Food Ministry:
“Flesh was never the best food; but its use is now doubly objectionable, since disease in animals is so rapidly increasing. Those who use flesh foods li le know what they are eating. Often if they could see the animals when living and know the quality of the meat they eat, they would turn from it with loathing. People are continually eating flesh that is filled with tuberculosis, and cancerous germs. Tuberculosis, cancer, and other fatal diseases are thus communicated.”
According to Adventist doctrine, meat contains many diseases that could harm the human body because animals eat animals with poisons in their body that are extended to humans by eating meat. Diseases follow, such as tuberculosis, cancer, and others. On the flip side, Ellen insists that coffee and tea potentially impact bodily health, such as disturbance indigestion, brain disorder, uncontrolled appetite, trembling, indigestion and wakefulness. In extension, Adventist teaching forbids any drinks of alcohol, beer, and wine. Further, forbidden drinks cause ugliness character. Asep Awaludin and friends conclude that Adventist doctrine on good based on Bible rules and supported by White's writings, source from natural plans such fruits, vegetables, and produced from the earth. The implementation of God's instruction does reflect on the obedience of consuming healthy food in the right path. It is not simply clean or unclean food in the book of Leviticus, but involving a meal that supplies nutrition or poisons. Here they display the theological dimension of Adventist doctrine on food. 
However, it is not simply a theological or health concern; it relates to human character and attitude. Adventist approach on culinary reach health character dimensions. With this in mind, food and lifestyle are not a self-concern, rather, it implies social square. Maintaining a proper diet will contribute a positive attitude to the environment. Here Adventist doctrine is not self-centrism but respects the civilization by establishing a healthy and well-characterized society. Unfortunately, Adventist's doctrine about culinary contrast to Minahasan tradition concerning prohibited and permitted food. Minahasan engages in meat such as pork, dog, rat, bat, and snake, while Adventism against any participation in animal's flesh-consuming. Further, tea, coffee, beer, wine, and alcohol are not recommended in Adventist teaching. In contrast, cap tikus is a famous traditional drink that presents in Minahasan festivals.
The distinction between Adventism and Minahasan culinary shares controversies, fluctuations, and barriers. It closes possibilities between them to collaborate and integrate. Therefore, the existence of Adventism in Minahasa potentially danger the continuity of Minahasan culinary identity, rooted in cultural activities; even more, it could establish enmity.  
However, Minahasan has a dark history with religious or religious people by executing Pastor Blas Palomino from Spain, the first arrived missionary in Minahasa. Worldview distinction led to contention to ancient Minahasan and Pastor Blas group. Minahasan maintains the legacy from their ancestors where Christianity presents religion with its Western culture. Minahasan against any effort to transform their cultural heritage. Therefore, they resist the presence of Christianity in the past. On the other flip, after Protestantism authorized Minahasan, religion performed arrogance by destroying cultural documentation of Minahasan. In consequence, references and evidence concerning Minahasa are less prepared in the table. The enmity in the past is possible because its wrestle has wide possibility due to the distinction between Adventism and Minahasan culinary identity. The integration between Adventism and Minahasan culinary identity is possible to involve in a similar controversy in the past. In the Adventism perspective, its doctrine on food should perform hospitality toward the culture without degrading its core teaching.
Formulating a constructive contribution toward the tension in this essay requires unfolding several vital issues. Minahasan culture exists before the coming of Adventism, which means the need to respect the earlier worldview embedded among Minahasan. It is not the task of religion to destroy indigenous tradition because it presents the people's identity. Here the distinction between worldview, religion, and culture is primarily urgent to be explored. Indeed, religion is part of the culture; it is the product of cultural transformation and evolution. With this in mind, it is significant to define Minahasan culture as a theological object that could shift to be a religious and social worldview. 
Minahasan culinary tradition is part of their life system. It is a social and cultural expression that gives them a specific identity among the civilization, and by time evolution will shift to religious sense. If Adventism considers its culinary tradition as a religion, it will lead to controversy because of exclusivism. The Adventist doctrine will against Minahasan culinary existence and manages to present as superior religion among the people. In contrast, it should be regarded as an object of doing theological exercise and not treat as a competitor or a threat to religious existence. Therefore, culinary culture is not a theological concern and has no relation to the spiritual dimension; rather, it should be defined as social bounding and an object to express cultural identity. By doing so, Adventism will perform hospitality toward Minahasan culinary tradition instead of arrogating to transform such ancestor legacy to theological doctrine. Further, Adventist teaching does not simply regard food doctrine in the spiritual dimension and health dimension, but it carries social concern as an extension. This concept opens the possibility for Adventism to share hospitality. 

C.	Conclusion
The result does not offer a comprehensive remedy to the tension. Instead, the minimum expectation is, preparing the foundation for further discussion grounded in hospitality. The maximum expectation is, Adventism able to display hospitality toward the existence of Minahasan culinary tradition. Adventist doctrine on food is a theological and health approach; it contains the spiritual dimension. In contrast, Minahasan culinary is a social expression and has no relation to spirituality. Adventism needs to place the discussion in the sociology arena instead of theological debates. In doing so, Adventism displays hospitable discussion to Minahasan culinary identity.   

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